Wednesday, February 6, 2008

Malaysia: 50 years on..

NB. I wrote this critical evaluation for my Malaysian Studies class.


Intro

Since achieving our independence in 1957 from the British colony, Malaysia has come a long way especially from the economic aspect. Case in point would be that we possess one of the tallest buildings in the world[1]; built an exclusive billion-dollar international airport[2]; or even established the largest and most prominent casino-cum-resort by international standards[3]; and not excluding the fact that we also cultivated some of Asia’s richest individuals[4]. Indeed we have come a long way in terms of economic growth, but are Malaysians genuinely content with the status quo of Malaysia?

While many tend to believe that a nation’s economy is an accurate and a complete indicator of the welfare of its people, others feel that it is not entirely the case. Other factors like public policies, level of national unity, as well as, the education and legal system all have a great impact on the overall wellbeing of Malaysians and, hence, should be taken into account. The crux of this essay will attempt to explain, as well as, provide recommendations to overcome the inadequacies of these factors to further improving Malaysia as a multiracial nation.

Education

The education policy in Malaysia is perceived to be one of the most controversial issues since the formation and implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Since the 1970s, the Bumiputras (indigenous Malays) have always enjoyed the privilege of entering public universities on the basis of a quota set by the Federal government. While they are entitled to 90% or more of the places in pre-universities, the non-Malays receive the remainder.[5]

In light of the status quo of education policies, they are not only racially-discriminating but offensive as well. Education is a right, not a privilege. To be deprived of the fundamental right to education because an individual is judged by their race rather than their academic ability and is a highly inaccurate indicator of intelligence.

My recommendation is that the race-based education policy be repealed and be replaced by a fairer system of admissions, which is based solely on academic abilities and social background and circumstances. In doing so, it would further allow individuals of all races to enjoy education at a public institution. While middle and upper class families can afford to send their children to private institutions, it is noteworthy that lower income-earning families need to rely on public universities who are able to offer more affordable tuition fees, government scholarships, as well as financial aid.

New Economy Policy (NEP)

It was a policy originally formulated and implemented by the Tun Razak government in 1971 as a pragmatic and temporary solution to the uneven distribution of wealth between the Chinese minority and Malay majority. The policy’s central objective, among other things, was to eradicate poverty regardless of race and religion. The initial target was to even out the ratio of economic ownership in Malaysia from a 2.4:33:63 ratio between Bumiputras, other Malaysian, and foreigner ownership to a 30:40:30 nation[6].

The policy, which was intended to expire in 1990, carried on under the guise of the National Development Policy (NDP)[7]. The government’s rationale for retaining this racial-centric policy was on the basis of statistics provided by the government which revealed that the 30% quota has yet to be achieved by the Malay majority. While official figure stands at 18.9%, an independent body, Asian Strategic and Leadership Institute (ASLI), issued a report calculating Bumiputra-held equity at 45%.[8]

The ethnic-based policy has been in place for more than 30 years, but has it proven to be doing more good than harm for Malaysia?

A landmark statement by the current Education Minister and UMNO Youth Chief Hishammuddin Hussein who cited a 2004 statistic indicating that for every RM1 earned by a Malay, a Chinese earned RM1.64, and that at current rates, it would take the Malays "120 years to achieve income parity".[9]

In response to that statement, it is safe to say that perhaps the NEP is not as effective a policy as it was planned out to be. While only Bumiputras qualify for this policy, it is seen to be bias against citizens of other races who are equally affected by poverty. Apart from that, such a policy not only encourages corruption, nepotism and complacency in an ever-competitive marketplace, it also breeds racism in a multicultural nation.

My recommendation is that the NEP be amended to discriminate based on social class and not race or religion. By closing in on this loophole, rich Bumiputras will not be able to reap benefits that were initially intended for the needy. By discriminating based on an individual’s needs and not race or religion, this will create a greater equality of wealth distribution amongst Malaysians, while promoting and maintaining racial harmony.

Unity

One of the greatest features and challenges in any multicultural society is the ability to stand united; to speak unanimously with one voice. While there are many symbols of unity in Malaysia, namely our national language[10], it seems that more can be done through language to further unite Malaysians.

As education policies go, Malaysia’s does not clearly reflect the needs of its citizens who comprise of various races, religions, ethnicities, or even social background. A typical Malaysian child would undergo 6 years of vernacular schooling before switching to a national (‘kebangsaan’) school. In midst of the transition, the language of command subsequently changes from the mother tongue to the national language.

While the national school education syllabus allows Chinese and Tamil languages to be taken as an optional subject, statistics have revealed that the number of students taking these subjects have fallen drastically over the years. The implication of this would be the gradual loss of the distinct Chinese and Indian language, culture and identity, at the expense of promoting unity through the national language.

My recommendation is that there should only be one type of school. The current types of schools—whether vernacular, national or religious, are increasingly polarizing races[11]. Not only does this impede national unity, it also fosters racism, intolerance and serves to further divide society. By having a single-type-school, the education syllabus will be standardized across the country, leaving little to no room for education discrepancies between various races.

In relation to the said point, the school syllabus should be designed in a way to mandate every student to learn the English language, as well as the three main languages used in Malaysia such as Malay, Mandarin and Tamil. Through educating the masses of society on the importance and uniqueness of various languages, it will serve to provide a greater understand of the history, culture and practices of a particular race. While the current system is based upon these criteria, it is nonetheless heavily-skewed towards understanding only the Malay aspects. But in order to achieve greater unity as a multiracial nation, there is an imperative need to gain an understanding of the Chinese and Indian language, culture and practices as well.

If language serves such an essential function to unite its people, it is logically that we should not only concentrate on the Malay language, but also learn to understand other languages as well. As the former Prime Minister of Singapore once said with reference to Article 153 of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, …we strive to create a Malaysia for all—not a Malay’s Malaysia’.[12]

Internal Security Act and Human Rights

On the issue of the above, it is often met with a cringe, not a compliment. Considering the countless controversial incidents involving the abuse of civil liberties and human rights, namely ‘Operasi Lalang’ in 1987[13], by the executive branch of the government, the Malaysian legal system and its enforcers are hardly seen to be impartial and unbiased by any standard.

In relation to the Malaysian judicial crisis in 1988[14], civil liberties have never been more threatened. While the Mahathir government amended the Federal Constitution of Malaysia to divest the judiciary of their powers and independence to rule impartially, giving them powers ‘only as deemed fit by Parliament’, the act clearly goes against the doctrine of separation of powers[15], established by the French political philosopher Montesquieu, which states that the three bodies of government (namely the judiciary, executive and parliament) must be independent of one another to achieve transparency, efficiency, as well as social justice.

Failing to do so has resulted in the status quo of Malaysia, where civil liberties are not respected by the authorities, especially the law enforcers. Topical cases would include ‘Baldgate’[16], where a group of Chinese men were playing a traditional gambling game ‘Mahjong’ during Chinese New Year only to be arrested, detained and have their heads shaved bald by the Malaysian police. They were later released on the same day.

Another infamous incident is the ‘Squadgate’[17]; a video footage captured during the interrogation of a female suspect had revealed the atrocious level of degradation that the police had subjected her to. The female suspect was forced to do multiple ear squats in the presence of a police officer, ostensibly to check for drugs concealed in her orifices. Such acts are not only condemnable and depraved, but more importantly, they reflect the level of regard that the police have for the rule of law.

Last but not least, the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA), which is often invoked by the state to oppress dissidents, is seen as a major infringement of human rights. The act states that ‘…any person may be detained by the police for up to 60 days without trial for an act which allegedly prejudices the security of the country or any part thereof. After 60 days, one may be further detained for a period of two years each, to be approved by the Minister of Home Affairs, thus making indefinite detention without trial’[18]. As of August 2006, official data[19] puts the number of ISA detainees at 96.

Conclusion

To achieve national unity, stability and healthy competition amongst Malaysians, public policies which are racially-discriminatory like the NEP should be abolished; public institutions admission procedures should be solely based upon a system of merit, not race; public school syllabus should also be revamped to accommodate and reflect the current racial makeup of society, to achieve greater unity and cohesion amongst an ever-progressing multiracial nation. Additionally, the Malaysian government has to abolish undemocratic and unconstitutional laws like the Internal Security Act if it intends to acknowledge to foreign countries that Malaysia is a modern, progressive and democratic nation. Perhaps then the people will truly be happy and proud to call themselves Malaysians.



SOURCES

[8] Beh, Lih Yi (Nov. 1, 2006). Bumi equity hit NEP target 10 years ago. Malaysiakini.

[9] Hong, Carolyn (Nov. 15, 2006). Stop debate on race and religion: Umno Youth. Straits Times.